why kanalB?kanalB declines the consesus of the mass media which implies that we are living in the best of all possible worlds. We are fighting against what we see as a system in which the prevailing economical and social order is deeply violent and exploitative and in need of social alternatives.
This text will introduce kanalB in its political and media context, showing the structure, development, and targets of video activism, followed by the relationship between kanalB and the mass media by offering concrete examples.
kanalB in an activist context
kanalB associates itself with the anti-globalization movement. This movement, which unites disparate social organiztions and individuals under the common cause of social justice, was first seen in the 1990's beginning with Seattle (World Bank gathering, 1999), and continuing on to Prague (Gathering of World Bank and IMF, 2000) and Genoa (G8 Summit, 2001), where the first kanalB documentaries were recorded.
This movement has led to a renaissance of video activism. Due to the possibilities of mass communication via the internet it has functioned as a worldwide means of political expression. The large interest in video activism and independent media coverage reflect the lack of critical, unbiased, coverage in the mainstream media. In times when the global media landscape is owned by little more than a handful of corporate groups, and the exception- news channel Al-Jazeera, is being 'accidentely' bombed by the command of George W. Bush, the distrust against mainstream media coverage has been raised as well as the need for alternative coverage.
It is our view that media activism and independent media are essential. The interp: 'As the neoliberal modell is constantly reducing its efforts to compensate social ruptures by actions of the social state, thus forced to provide a more and more elaborate image policy, the importance of electronical images has grown as means of government-stabilizing PR-methods.'
The Problem with the Media
'The characteristic of civil media coverage, as for journalism in general, is the incoherence of all details. Everything is blabbed out, thrown into one stockpot, no contexts are pointed out, everything is one nonsense, without analysis, just torn apart stuff, just covered for some punchline, with no societal connection.' (Weiss 1981)
What Peter Weiss has stated in 1981 is still relevant: instead of having the mainstream media cover comprehensively, so that basic contexts can be identified, they only report on disparate singularities. The one seeking clear sociopolitical analysis is seeking in vain. The mainstream media is seemingly not interested in an audience which can get an appropriate picture of a procedure or situation.
One example of this is the breakdown of the Argentinian economy in December 2001. The mainstream media therefore also does not function in a critical capacity that judges incidents by decision whether they serve the public welfare or not. Much less is it showing any commitment for a just and charitable social order.
In mainstream television there are narrow confines for political coverage: film makers and editors could tell countless stories of corrupt nature of political infuence, of rejection of would-be 'hot' topics, misleading editorial practices, revocation of air-time, et cetera. The existience of initiatives such as the 'Netzwerk Recherche' (Network Inquest), that stand for the protection of investigative journalism in the TV-stations under public law, proves these facts in their own way.
From those facts the following conclusion can be drawn: the mainstream media is not only covering stories, but also obscuring them. The message forwarded by the mainstream media suggests that we are living in the best of all societies. They support this story through the permanent suppression of facts and issues. This attitude has led to a mental climate where questioning the prevailing economical and social order in general is taboo.
Capitalism is presented as as the only possible economical system. Denying this is perceived as either childish or objectionable. The fact that exploitation constitutes its basis is not regarded as a problem. Vocabularies such as 'added value' or 'diverging ranks' are not mentioned on the daily news show. It seems even more impossible to explore the neocolonial trading connections between the industrial nations and the rest of the world. Instead civil media broaches the issue of WTO conferences and G8 summits as if they were beneficials to peoples of poor nations. For people that inform themselves outside of mainstream media, this constitutes an unbearably audacious propaganda lie. The fact that it is possible for such a conclusion, so far away from the truth, to be recognized as common sense, is a dispiriting proof of the self-affirming atmosphere and the analytical influence of mainstream media.
It is easy to criticize a system that is based on humans producing value with their work while there are others that are benefitted by that value. One could argue that we are living in a world where thousands of people are starving to death every day and where millions spend their lives in miserable poverty, even though given the amount of resources it would be easy to supply a dignified life to everyone. If all information and points of view were given equal weight in the mainstream media, then the powers-that-be would have difficulty defending their views. But there is no need for this type of justification, as the mass media offers little challenge to the status quo and few alternatives to mass media exist. Left-wing media basically does not exist in comparison to the strength of the mainstream media. For example, if kanalB sells hundreds of dvd's and our subscribers organize a score of podium discussions, while at the same time, millions of television sets in living rooms worldwide ensure us that misery will be eliminated very soon, the alternative media suffers in its ability to reach large numbers of people.
Small projects like kanalB have an necessary agitating function. We want to encourage the audience to become politically engaged. If we pick up one of the notoriously ignored topics such as the circumstances under which refugees in the FRG are being treated, we also try to point out that this treatment is a symptom of an authoritarian and cruel society. It is also shown that there are groups which are working on changing this order. But if something should really change, the spectators have to engage themselves, too.
Videoactivism
Video activism started in the late 1960's. The introduction of the first hand-held videocamera with recorder (Sony Porta Pack), which was fairly affordabe, leading to high expectations for independent productions. Video was perceived a challenge of the then new medium Television, which itself was criticized for its tendency of pushing the spectator into a passive, receptive role and thus blocking away any critical discourse. Video, it was hoped, would give the opportunity for active participation in an open (media) public and creation of discourse.
Since the 1990's, by means of easily manageable digital editing software, it is possible for anyone to create professional-quality movies on their home PC. The general media competency and the widespread availability of technical equipment has made indepently-produced media a reality for the general public.
The expansion of the internet gave new possibilities for communicating with geographically remote projects. This made it possible for individuals to publish independent video productions to a larger audience, and for the first time provide independent news available for mass consumption. (In contrary to the US, where many media activist groups are broadcasting on free channels).
The hopes brought forward by the introduction of the video-cam, the development of better technique and of the internet yet have not become true: one can of course not seriously speak of a total democratisation of the flow of information, while public television is the spindoctor nr. 1. But the usage of internet and its platforms is constantly growing, leading sometimes to a merge of producers and consumers.
Public
The mass media references a public which they have invented themselves, and which historically doesn't exist. The domination of media in the hands of the few reduces the role of the individual in the public discourse to that of spectator (aside from the periodical ceremony of ballot completion). That these dynamics fail to stimulate the democratic process is unsurprising.
The work of kanalB it is not only in facts research, film production, and content delivery. kanalB also functions as a networking center for media activists as well as for the distribution of their work and thus increasing the opprtunity for the success of mutual and individual projects. The re-capture or creation of public space, such as kanalB, is playing a central role in activist communication and coordination.
The activist approach of broadcasting information has therefore always been to present and create a more accurate view of the public. It is not only the concern of kanalB to facilitate and stimulate a 'real' public discourse, but also the media space itself shall become a public space in which communication can develop. kanalB or Indymedia thus function as open media spaces, where the individual is included in the process of information production leading to the diversification of the media world as well as to a decentralization of media production. The development of online television will potentially increase attention to the internet and the projects represented in it.
Video activist productions, including kanalB-productions, are dedicated to documenting demonstrations and protest activities objectively. One important reason of filming is the prevention and repression of police violence. The incidents in Genoa in 2001 and the EU summit in Gothenburg have proven this a necessity. These are productions which don't find their space in common mass media. Additionally, kanalB produces documentaries focusing on news events ignored by the regular media, or presenting alternative points of view on the popular issues of the day.
Important in this matter is the identity-creating function of media activism. The media project covers activities and demonstrations and represents the opinion of dissident activism, thus documenting and proving the existence of a social movement and its philosophy. Media activism draws attention to important facts and arguments and brings them into public discourse. kanalB believes in the it is much rather the concern to break the myth of objectivity delivered by the mass media and to take on a clear attitude. And of course kanalB wants to spur on this attitude and its own world view.
How does kanalB work?
The content of kanalB is primariy distributed via the internet. kanalB.org offers nearly 2000 video clips which can be watched and downloaded for free. The internet also is the medium for broadcasting events close to the time when they are happening. When such an 'almost-live' -coverage is planned, the team goes to the location of the event, shoots videos in the daytime and publishes them in the evening. Additionally the coverage is amended by links to further artikels and websites.
For example, in the past there has been coverage from the G8-Summit in Genoa 2001 and from Argentina in 2001 shortly after the economy there collapsed. Another coverage was on a tribunal for human rights, organized by Columbian social movements, where transnational corporates as Coca-Cola, Nestl� and Chiquita were accused. The companies have to face accusations of massive violation of human rights, violent persecution of labour unions and cooperation with right-wing paramilitary units. In Juni 2007 kanalB was part of g8-tv.org, a union of activists and media activist groups from all over Europe to cover the g8-summit in Heiligendamm.
Besides coverage, longer documentaries and documentation of political events, there are interview sequences with left-wing theoreticians and scientists such as Jutta Dittfurth, John Holloway, Elmar Altvater, Christoph Speer, Robert Kurz and Darwin Dante who speak about alternative concepts of society.
Most video clips on kanalB.org are produced in-house. However the website remains available to other political groups and video activists for the publishing of their clips and documentaries. The films relate in form and content to certain criterias, forming the base of kanalB: and that is professional-quality work that supports a position in favor of social justice.
A video magazine is published every three months and is currently in its 31st edition. There are 250 subscribers and sustaining members for the magazine. It is released in DVD and high-resolution AVI formats, include a documentary or a sequel of short movies, and can be purchased for 10 Euro. Copies can be purchased in Berlin bookstores or by direct order. kanalB's customers, sustaining members, and subscribers include political groups, trade unionists, students and other interested persons. What divides our users from other media consumers is that many of our users are using the films for political work and often organize screenings. For example, the documentary 'Des Wahnsinns letzter Schrei' (Rage of Insanity) about the reformation of the employment market in Germany is often used by labour unions as political work for education.